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GATHERING INFORMATION: BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU
Thanks to technological progress, Big Brother can now be almost as omnipresent
as God.
— A. Huxley, Brave New World Revisited
UNLIKE MOST OTHER CRIMES, marijuana crimes very seldom involve someone
who could be considered a "victim." As a result, the police
get very little information about marijuana offenses from alleged victims
calling to report a crime. Rather, in most cases, the police must actively
seek out information. There ire numerous means by which law-enforcement
agencies gather information about marijuana growers, sellers, and users.
Citizeninformer.html
The Citizen Informer
Generally speaking, one of the best sources for information about marijuana
crimes is the "citizen informer." This term refers to a supposedly
disinterested person who is supposedly acting out of civic duty. In most
crimes, the citizen informants are victims or witnesses who report the
incident to the police. For :example, a person who is robbed will call
the police, report the robbery, describe he robber, and generally try
to assist the police in catching the perpetrator. However, in marijuana
crimes, citizen informers are often the concerned parents fro a child
who was sold or given marijuana or anti-marijuana crusaders who relieve
that marijuana use is evil or dangerous and that it is their civic duty
to report any tips to the police. For example, the hotel maid in the last
chapter was I citizen informer. There are many cases in which the citizen
informer was a telephone repairman or a cable-television installer who
notified the police after spotting evidence of a marijuana crime while
inside a person's home. Similarly, a citizen informer could be your next
door neighbor who smells marijuana emanating from your home.
Because citizen informers supposedly are not seeking personal gain from
their tip, the Supreme Court has ruled that they are reliable unless there
are circumstances indicating otherwise. This means that if a citizen informant
calls the police and reports that she has seen evidence of a marijuana
crime, the police may rely on that information without having to make
any attempts to confirm it. How much reliability they can place on the
tip depends on numerous factors most of which center around how the citizen
says they obtained the information and the inherent reliability of information
so obtained.
The Anonymous Citizen Informer
With the proliferation of programs like "Turn in Pushers" (T.I.P.)
and Drug Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.), law enforcement agencies
get a regular flow of anonymous telephone calls in which the unidentified
caller tattles on a marijuana user, grower, or seller. Given the caller's
refusal to identify him or herself, such information is obviously suspect.
It's quite possible, for instance, that the unidentified caller is making
a false tip in order to get back at an enemy. Consequently, when police
receive an anonymous report of a marijuana crime, they are required to
perform some investigation before seeking a search warrant based on the
tip.
In some cases, however, the courts have upheld search warrants based
on anonymous tips when the police did very little to corroborate the caller's
tip. For example in 1993 a federal court in Maine upheld the validity
of a search warrant based on an anonymous tip that a man, referred to
only as "John," was growing 40 Cannabis plants in his house.
The tipster also stated that John's house "reeked" of marijuana,
describing the house by noting that it had a new addition. Finally, the
caller claimed that a search warrant had been previously executed at John's
house and had resulted in the seizure of Cannabis plants, but that John
had "beat the charge." Police officers verified that John had
previously been the target of a search warrant that uncovered marijuana,
and that his house had a new addition. They also discovered that power
consumption records for John's home "revealed a pattern of usage
consistent with indoor marijuana cultivation, with a dramatic drop in
usage following the [earlier] search and substantial increases beginning
in the fall of 1990." In upholding the validity of this search warrant
the court explained that the police properly investigated and verified
enough of the anonymous caller's statements and that the verification
vouched for the reliability of the caller's allegations. (U.S. v. Burke
[1st dr. 1993] 999 F.2d 59.)
In contrast, in another 1993 case, this time in Kentucky, a detective
with the Louisville Police Department of Narcotics received an anonymous
telephone call from someone saying that he had been hired to do some work
in a home and had observed a large stash of marijuana in the basement.
The caller identified the home by its address. According to the affidavit
for the ensuing search warrant, 'when questioned about his knowledge of
the smell and appearance of marijuana: his person stated that in his younger
days he had been a user of marijuana, but now: hat he was older with children
he is very anti-drug." Before obtaining the search warrant, the detective
staked out the home for about 2 hours but saw no signs of "out traffic
in or out of the residence. Without any evidence corroborating the monitors
tip, a judge signed a search warrant for the home. Officers who subsequently
executed the warrant seized over 300 pounds of marijuana from the casement.
The case against the man was dismissed because the search warrant affidavit
'ailed to state probable cause that marijuana would be found in the man's
home. Fee court explained that the officer's stakeout, other than confirming
that the home appeared to have a basement, provided no evidence confirming
the anonymous caller's accusations. The court explained that the caller
was anonymous, and never gave the names of the people for whom he was
supposedly working for. Also, the caller did not provide the dates upon
which he saw the marijuana. For these reasons the court concluded that
the search warrant was unconstitutional. As a result, the 300 pounds of
marijuana were excluded from evidence, dissolving the government's case
against the man for lack of evidence. {US. v. Leaked [CA 6 KY1993] 998
F2d 1359.)
If an anonymous informer (or citizen informer) claims to have seen Cannabis
plants on a suspect's property the police must present information showing
that the tipster has the ability to identify Cannabis or marijuana. Since
many anonymous tipsters aren't aware of this rule, they often fail to
state the basis of their identification when they leave a message on a
recorded tip-line. In such sasses, the police must themselves investigate
the tip in an attempt to verify the tipster's identification of the supposed
Cannabis plants. Failure to present such evidence in the application for
the search warrant can make the search warrant invalid.
In one recent case in Idaho, for example, the police received an anonymous
telephone call in which the caller reported seeing Cannabis plants growing
in an outbuilding on the neighbor's property. The caller also said that
the lights were always on in the outbuilding. The Idaho Supreme Court
held that such information failed to establish probable cause supporting
a search warrant for the building because the caller gave no information
supporting his or her ability to identify Cannabis plants. The court noted
that the search warrant might have been valid if the caller had given
a description of the plant so that the magistrate could conclude that
the plants were indeed Cannabis. Given the invalid warrant, all the evidence
seized when it was executed was thrown out of court. (State v. Joseph
son [Idaho 1993] 852 P.2d 1387.)
The Confidential Informant
In 1692, the English parliament enacted the now infamous "Reward
Statutes," promising cash rewards, known as "blood money certificates,"
to people providing the government with information leading to the conviction
of criminals. The Reward Statutes were repealed in the mid-1750’s
after it was discovered that a group of career informants had framed absolutely
innocent people (some of whom were executed!) in order to collect the
cash rewards.
Despite such an opprobrious history, information supplied by paid confidential
informants is regularly used by today's law enforcement agencies. There
are often people who are working in conceit to grow, harvest, transport,
and sell marijuana. If a police officer can figure out a way to do it,
he will try to use one such person to get incriminating information about
one or all of the others. In other words, a confidential informant is
someone, often part of formal or informal marijuana distributing chain,
which trades information for personal gain. Confidential informants from
the "criminal underworld" often have information that would
be almost impossible for the police to obtain on their own.
Unlike the citizen informer, who acts out of a motive supposedly unrelated
to personal gain, the confidential informant most often acts from a strong
self-interest. These people are often paid money for their tips, or, just
as commonly, are offered special deals on their own criminal cases in
exchange for providing the police with incriminating information about
someone else.
As we should have learned from the Reward Statutes of several centuries
ago, the obvious problem with relying on the information supplied by confidential
informants is that they may falsely accuse an innocent person in order
to get whatever reward they are offered. The Supreme Court has therefore
held that the police must try to verify the reliability and accuracy of
information supplied by confidential informants. In other words, information
supplied by a confidential informant is not presumed reliable. However,
if an officer has used a particular informant in the past, and that informant
has a record of providing accurate information, then the confidential
informant will be presumed reliable just like a citizen informer.
Paid Confidential Informants and Conduct by the Government
Occasionally, a specific operation or payment plan involving a confidential
informer will strike a court as so outrageous as to violate due process.
Reversals for outrageous governmental conduct in this context are very
rare however. For example, courts have held that it was not outrageous
conduct for the government to get an 18-year old drug rehabilitation patient
to deal drugs, and it was also not outrageous for the government to purposefully
introduce drugs into a prison in order to map the distribution network
inside the prison.
What kind of government conduct with regard to paid informers is considered
"outrageous?" Unfortunately, the term is not well-defined by
the courts, which tend to describe the offending conduct vaguely as "fundamentally
unfair," "shocking to the universal sense of justice,"
or "transgressing fundamental principles traditionally protected
by our society."
The Ninth Circuit reversed the conviction of Bourne Thomas after finding
that the DBA paid an informant in the case on a contingent basis and that
the informant had played a central role in orchestrating the crime. Over
the course of several months the informant had arranged to purchase drugs
through the help of an initially reluctant Mr. Thomas. In fact, Mr. Thomas
was not even going to make any money from the deal. The informant completely
arranged the transaction and Mr. Thomas was arrested when it occurred.
He was subsequently convicted and sentenced to 121 months in federal prison.
The Ninth Circuit found the government's conduct in employing the informant
on a contingent fee basis in a sting operation to be so outrageous as
to violate the Due Process Clause. For that reason, the court reversed
Mr. Thomas's conviction. The Ninth Circuit pointed out that under the
informant's agreement with the DBA, the amount of money he would be paid
was dependent on several factors, including: (1) whether Mr. Thomas was
convicted; (2) the amount of drugs involved, and; (3) the value of any
assets that were seized. If no conviction resulted, the informant was
to receive only minimum wage for his services. (In the course of the trial
it was revealed that the informant had "earned" over $50,000
for his services.)
The Ninth Circuit was particularly upset that such a fee agreement was
used in a sting operation of the kind employed against Mr. Thomas, explaining:
The inherent danger of basing a paid informant's compensation on the rate
of conviction and the quantity of the drugs is exacerbated when the government
engages in "sting operations," which accord the government almost
exclusive control over the information relating to the criminal activity.
The danger is further exacerbated where the party with the financial incentive
is the person orchestrating the crime. Unlike cases in which the paid
informant merely provides information regarding ongoing criminal activities,
in a "sting operation" of this kind the paid informant who structures
the crime decides whether or not and at what time there will be witnesses
present, which conversations will be recorded, whether to reveal any evidence
of the defendant's reluctance to engage in the deal, and the like. Complete
control over the "crime" makes "sting operations"
an efficient law enforcement technique. However, this same feature creates
enormous potential for abuse. When, as here, "sting operations"
are combined with contingency fees designed to maximize the conviction
rate and the amount of drugs, it is likely that this potential will become
actual.
At a minimum, the Due Process Clause protects against the conviction
of individuals on the basis of evidence that has such a high risk of being
false. (U.S. v. Thomas [9th Cir. 1994] 32 F2d 418.)
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